TEXT A As well as the problems
concerned with obtaining good quality audio recordings, recording also raises
important theoretical problems. The main problem is usually referred to as the
observer’s paradox. Ideally we want to know how people use language when they
are not being observed. When speakers know they are being observed, their
language shifts towards more formal styles, probably rather erratically, as not
everything in language is under equal conscious control, and as speakers
probably go through cycles of half forgetting they are being recorded. So the
most casual language is the most difficult to record. The language that
linguists would most like to be able to record is the language which is most
susceptible to contamination by observation. With modem
audio-recording equipment, there is, of course, no difficulty in recording
speakers in many face-to-face situations or on the telephone. Some researchers
have ethical objections to such recordings; others adopt a compromise solution
of recording without their knowledge and then telling them afterwards. How-
ever, suppose one decides to record people with their knowledge, what solutions
are there, if any, to the effect of the recording on the speakers In many
cases, the recording may have to be with the speakers’consent in any case, for
example, if recording teachers, doctors, magistrates, or official meetings of
different kinds. One argument, put forward by Wolfson(1976) ,is
that there is no such thing as natural speech in any absolute sense. All
language changes to be appropriate to the situation. All there is to study,
then, is what people regard as appropriate in different situations. In any case,
in all social situations, we ale. aware of being monitoned to some extent by
others present: being monitored by a tape-recorder and researcher is therefore
just a particular example of this. This type of argument usefully points out
that the hunt for pure, natural or authentic data is a chimera. On the other
hand, we may be investigating how people speak when they are un- comfortable.
Being permanently recorded and studied is not a normal situation fox’most
people, and those for whom it is an everyday occurance ( including celebrities,
radio personalities, courtroom lawyers ) develop special strategies to deal with
it. There is always the suspicion that in extraordinary situations people
produce extraordinary language. One research strategy is
proposed by J. Wilson. lie argues that since speakers will inevitably be affect-
ed by the recording, one should deliberately study such effects: what he called
tape-affected speech. Exam- pies would include direct references to the
recording equipment or uncharacteristically polite usages, or the
opposite--deliberately obscene references, for example, where speakers are
showing that they do not care what is recorded. This suggestion is useful,
insofar as it warns researchers what to be aware of in recordings. On the other
hand, we ought to know about normal language, not about such artificially
produced ones. It is regularly proposed that speakers grow used
to being recorded, and that tape-affected speeches de- crease with time. One
can, therefore, record speakers over some hours or days, and either edit out
tape affect- ed sections, or simply discard earlier data. Although this
principle seems very plausible, there appears to be no studies which have tested
its validity. A similarly plausible but not well-tested claim is that if people
are recorded in self-selected groups, then the pressures of interacting in a
group will overrid the iuflueuce of the tape-recorder. Labor (1972b) claimes
that recording Negro youths in their peer groups deceased the attention they
paid to their speech. On the other hand, he was recording gangs of boys who
might have gone out of their way to display their group solidarity to the
observer. A different version of this argument is to record natural social
groups. I did so in working class areas of Belfast. I became a natural member of
the groups, with a socially recognized role. Despite the fact that I was known
by some members to be making tape-recordings, I was not seen as a researcher,
but as a friend of a friend! Having been initiated into the group by someone who
knew my interests, these interests were not always seen as relevant, and not
necessarily mentioned in introducing me to other members. I could, therefore,
observe the group while not being defined as an observer. In other ways, I found
a way of being present myself without breaking the interactional equipment, and
that the effect of recording could not last for long periods during which I
recorded. Wolfson maintains that there is no such thing as natural speech in any absolute sense, because ______.
A.all language changes to be appropriate to the situation B.in any case, in all social situations, we are aware of being mentioned to some extent by others present C.being mentioned by a tape - recorder and researcher is just one particular example of this D.all of the above